The European Council defines the EU's overall political direction and priorities. It is not one of the EU's legislating institutions, so does not negotiate or adopt EU laws. Instead it sets the EU's policy agenda, traditionally by adopting 'conclusions' during European Council meetings which identify issues of concern and actions to take.
Topics for discussion:
- Role of the EU in policing of rogue states
- Managing migratory pressures at the EU periphery
Director: Amit Arkhipov-Goyal
I’ll be joining you from the Netherlands, where I’m doing a master’s in data science at Erasmus University Rotterdam. Besides that, I’m doing an internship at a think-tank in The Hague. Originally, I’m a mixed kid of Russian-Indian heritage. To keep up the spirit of randomness, I move around a lot. Model UN has been a part of my life for a while, conveniently combined with travel to a bunch of exciting places. I’ve accumulated a variety of chairing experience, from GA’s to crisis and special committees, which I hope will add value to this EC committee. On a personal note, dark humour and beef jerky are uncontrollable guilty pleasures, not that I feel guilty about them. Having said that, I look forward to making this committee one to remember.
See you all in November!
Assistant Director: Anna Kirchmayr
Hi everyone! My name is Anna Sophie Kirchmayr. For those who don’t know me, I am
Austrian-German and am a second year Politics and International Relations student at the
University of Kent. I have been attending and chairing MUN conferences for far too long,
starting in high school at 14. Since then, I’ve continued to attend conferences in the UK. My
favourite parts of MUN are the fun socials and amazing people you get to meet, and I very
excited to be able to just do that at LVMUN as assistant director of the EC. As a European,
the EC is of particular interest to me. Every European nation (and indeed citizen) has strong
beliefs on how best to tackle the hot-button issues the EC faces today. I really look forward to
meeting you all in Riga, and hope I can contribute my small share to ensure you have an
Role of the EU in policing of rogue states
As the world leans towards multipolarity, an increased number of states seek to exercise power in new dimensions. External involvement in local or regional conflicts has attracted new actors to this approach. Where as previously majority of interventions were initiated by the UN, NATO and US-led coalitions, recent years have demonstrated increased activity of a wider range of nations. Evidence for this has been the direct engagement by Russia, Iran and Turkey in Syria; Russian presence in the CAR and Egypt, and Chinese military deployment in Djibouti and in the Gulf of Aden. The EU itself has taken note of these developments. With recent uncertainty looming over the commitments made to NATO, EU member states have taken upon themselves to strengthen their security and defence capacity. The inauguration of the ‘European Intervention Initiative’ in June 2018 demonstrates increased interest in obtaining operating military capabilities to complement existing European External Action Service (EEAS) missions in Mali, CAR and the Horn of Africa, to name a few. It is up to this committee to decide on an EU strategy capable of addressing the rapidly changing landscape of interventions in conflict affected areas.
Managing migratory pressures at the EU periphery
In the summer of 2015, over a million refugees entered Europe: the most the continent has witnessed since the Second World War. The majority of refugees are from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and sub-Saharan Africa. Many risk their lives crossing the Mediterranean Sea from Libya on over-crowded boats owned by traffickers. Others enter the EU through the Balkan route, leaving Bulgaria or Greece to reach Slovenia or Hungary. Since 2015, European leaders consistently pushed migration to the top of the political agenda. Political parties and citizens are divided regarding the question of migration. Regardless, in 2017, applications for asylum decreased across the Union compared to the previous year by 44% (European Asylum Support Office) as the Balkan route closed and controversial agreements with Turkey and Libya were finalised, under which migrants may be returned to said nations and held in immigration detention centres. Today, NGO vessels continue to pick up migrants and refugees stranded on boats in the Mediterranean, which Italy and Spain are hesitant to welcome into its ports. Migrants and refugees use a new Balkan route through Albania, Montenegro, and Bosnia. As thousands continue to risk their lives entering Europe, the European Council must reach conclusions on how to best manage such new migratory pressures at its periphery.